Alvaro Martinelli
ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF ACCOUNTING APPALACHIAN STATE UNIVERSITY

BUSINESS VENTURESINGENOA DURING THE TWELFTH CENTURY(1156-1158)

In the Middle Ages, a notary public was asked to record many transactions which today we probably would not consider necessary to authenticate. The books for recording these notarial acts were called protocolli or protocols, and the acts were called imbreviature or abridged deeds, because they contain only the essential terms of the transaction, although the incipit, containing the complex phraseology and wording, was a standardized form.

The oldest known series of these notarial acts is kept in Genoa. Isolated notarial documents or entire collections concerning private or public bodies may be found in great numbers especially in ecclesiastical archives, and they represent an essential source for the study of history in the Middle Ages. Generally these documents deal with particular public or religious organizations or with certain aspects of human activity. These protocols where the notary has recorded, often throughout several years, the most disparate kinds of agreements are an original or sometimes supplemental source to direct historical sources. The possibility of making such analyses depends on the number and continuity of these records. The Ligurian region is richly endowed in having the Genoese notarial records, together with the records of the notaries Cumano and De Donato of Savona, and the cartulary of Johannes di Giona of Portovenere, which constitute the oldest collection now existing. The .one hundred and fifty cartularies dated before 1300 are the most valuable. Six of them contain acts drawn during the second half of the twelfth century.1 By studying them we may obtain a better understanding of the history of commerce and of maritime law of the whole Mediterranean basin.

During those times in Genoa banks did not exist to accumulate capital for loans to merchants who had endless financial demands due to their overseas commerce. These operations were performed exclusively by private citizens and were controlled by various juridical formulas and specified rights and obligations arising from the risk and other particular modalities of each operation. The contracts of accomandatio and societas are two examples of these juridical formuIas.

In the contract of accomandatio he who received the money made the promise to return it at a specified time together with the earnings made by investing it in commercial operations, except one fourth of the profits which he would keep for himself. The contract of societas was characterized by the obligation of the person who received a certain amount of money to invest it, in addition to his own capital which had to be equal to one half of the amount received, and to return this money with half of the profits earned in the operation. It is evident that the essential element of both contracts was the amount of money or the stock of merchandise, while the personal relationship was closely related to it, but of secondary importance, as is true nowadays.

The frequent use of the accomandatio is quite evident when we examine the cartularies of the twelfth century. Indeed this contract represented the easiest and most convenient way to attract capital into all types of sea-trade ventures. It was a means to overcome with a minimum of difficulty the prohibition established by the church to lend money at interest; for the nobles and clergy it was an easy solution to their reluctance to carry on business personally. The accomandatio was also an excellent means for distributing capital and savings to commercial enterprises; functions which are now performed by banks. The suppliers of capital in these ventures were members of rich and noble families and people belonging to every social class: small craftsmen, priests, lawyers, judges and tax contractors. On the other hand, the person who received this money was always a merchant. This term “merchant” is not specifically mentioned in the acts, but we may infer it from the obligation to carry on business, a clause which is included in all acts. Furthermore, the asset which constituted the object of the contract was always indicated. Generally, it was money expressed in Genoese pounds, but sometimes it was merchandise, consigned at a specified price. The object could also be represented by the so-called loca navis, or part ownerships, in which a ship could be nominally divided among different persons. Each part or share was bought, sold, or transferred in case of death.

The accomandatio was stipulated negociandi causa; this clause is mentioned in all documents. It was mainly a fiduciary contract, as is the case for any kind of business based on credit. The main obligation of the merchant, or accomandatario, was to trade the money or the merchandise received and to return to the capitalist, or accomandante, the capital with profits, after the deduction of one fourth for his own benefit. The risk of the entire operation was borne by the capitalist, while the merchant was only bound to con-clude the business and to return capital and interest bona fide, or in good faith. This was logical because, in case of a bad bargain, the merchant might lose his job, and the capitalist his capital. There was, in the structure of the contract, a perfect equivalence of services.

It is evident that during the second half of the twelfth century the accomandatio was already a well-defined business contract, clearly differentiated from all other types of mercantile contracts. It was certainly a formal contract, and the written act was necessary for the existence of the juridical bond.

In its essential elements the societas was only a more complex form of the accomandatio. Substantially the difference consisted of the declaration made by the merchant to contribute some of his own money. This contribution constituted a guaranty to the other partner which did not appear in the accomandatio, where the mer-chant conferred only his skill and dealt only with other people’s money. Another difference was that in the societas the contractors always contributed money, and only on rare occasions do we find the contribution of part-ownerships. Of the total capital of the association, one third was the merchant’s (associatario’s) share, and two thirds was the capitalist’s (associante’s) share.

The accomandatio was not terminated by an act of dissolution, which we would expect in the case of a business where the concept of association prevails. Instead it was stipulated as an acknowledgement of credit and it was terminated by an act of payment, which in the cartulary of Guilelmus Cassinensis was recorded under the name of the person who returned the money. Similarly the societas was concluded for business purposes or causa negociandi. However, the place where the trade would take place was specified exactly with the indication of the town or region or the route to be followed. It was quite rare for the merchant to be allowed to trade quo sibi videbitur melius, or the way he thought was best, a clause which is found in almost all the contracts of accomandatio. The societas was used also in retail trade, or in botea; in this case the return of money was not established at a fixed rate, or usque dum placuerit.

The documents examined in the following pages are of excep-tional importance for the study of the origin of capitalism and capi-tal formation in the Middle Ages.They were classified as loose

58 The Accounting Historians Journal,Spring, 1977
pages in the cartulary of Johannes Scriba, although they do not belong to this cartulary, and contain writings, notes and fragments of accounting operations and commercial transactions between two contractors or partners, Ansaldus Baialardus and lngo de Volta, for the settlement of contracts of accomandatio and societas.

Ansaldus Baialardus, a young Genoese businessman at the beginning of his career, appears in these documents as the tractator or merchant. lngo de Volta supplied the capital. In the cartulary of Johannes Scriba there is an act, dated May 1156, where one Baialardus de Pataria emancipated his son Ansaldus, giving him authority to enter into all kinds of transactions, “negocia emptiones, vendici-ones, cambia, permutaciones, locationes, conductiones, ceterosque contractus libere et sine patrio oblentu.”3 The mercantile operations of Ansaldus, as shown in the cartulary of Johannes Scriba, involve a contract of accomandatio with lngo de Volta which was directly connected with the documents presented in this paper.4
Three ventures covering the business activities of Ansaldus Baia-lardus and lngo de Volta over the years 1156 through 1158 are mentioned in the Johannes Scriba papers.

The First Venture

Document C, (Appendix 1), recto, contains the first contractual agreement between lngo de Volta and Ansaldus Baialardus, from which we learn the juridical nature of the relationship, the specific amount of capital invested, and the earnings obtained from the business transaction. In fact the document reports that a part of the funds given by lngo to Ansaldus “fuit capitale lib 205 et sol 4 et den. 1,” and the earnings reported were 74 pounds. This was certainly a contract of accomandatio because the earnings were divided between the capitalist and the merchant in the proportion of three fourths and one fourth. We may also establish, with reasonable accuracy, the date when the contract was concluded. The emancipation of Ansaldus granted by his father Baialardus de Pataria in May 1156 must necessarily have preceded the beginning of his business activity, and we also know that the succeeding contract, which established the termination of this accomandatio, was dated October 11 57; consequently this transaction was executed in the summer of 1156.

The assets existing at the end of this first contract were reinvested in a new accomandatio between the same contractors. The profits from the first agreement were divided between lngo who received three fourths of total earnings of 74 pounds, or 55 pounds and sol.

10, and Ansaldus who received the remaining one fourth, or 18 pounds and sol. 10. These profits together with Ingo’s original capital were then reinvested in a second accomandatio, with the exception of a small amount of money which lngo received in cash. He kept for himself 4 pounds received from one Oblerius Noxencius, and soldi 20 received from banker Bonobello. Therefore the total capital remaining was lib. 254 sol. 14 den. 1 which was reinvested together with capital and earnings contributed by Ansaldus for a total amount of lib. 18 sol. 10.

The Second Venture

The notations concerning the settlement of the second contract of accomandatio were reported in Document A, recto, in [a, b, c] and in Document C, recto, in [b] and verso.
In Document A, recto, in [a] was recorded the account for money received by Ansaldus for his commercial operations and the sale of merchandise bought overseas. Ansaldus received a total of lib. 538 sol. 4. The specific assets and the amount paid for each was listed in this document as follows:

for indigo lib. 901/2 sol. 4
for ashes lib. 4 sol. 6
for Petro Ustachio lib. 871/2
for the ship lib. 90
for Fredenzone lib. 19 sol. 8
for the profit on the saie* sol. 20
for wheat lib. 245 sol. 6
total lib. 538 sol. 4
Less:
Expenses for the ship lib. 11 sol. 10
Expenses for wharf, storage,
and carriage lib. 4
total net capital lib. 522 sol. 14
In [b] drawings made by the two contractors against these assets were recorded, as shown below:
Dominus lngo received from
these assets lib. 17 sol. 16 den.5
I, Ansaldus, received from
these assets lib.27 den. 15
lib.44 sol. 17 den. 8
*Saie was a cloth of wool

In [c] supporting figures and mathematical calculations are also presented.
Total earnings for the second venture were reported in Document C, recto, in [b], and we may summarize their calculations as follows:
capital of lngo lib. 254sol. 14 den. 1
capital of Ansaldus lib. 18 sol. 10

lib. 273 sol. 4 den. 1
lib. lib. 522 273 sol. 4 den, 1
lib. 248 sol. 15 den. 11
total assets total capital
total earnings
The fragments of calculations contained in Document C, verso, in [a, c, d, ] and recto in [b] were specifically related to the determination of these earnings. The final results, with capitals and earnings, were reported in Document C, verso, in [a] as follows:
lib. 254 sol. 14 den. 1
lib. 18 sol. 10
lib. 244 sol. 15 den. 1 1
capital of lngo capital of Ansaldus profit
lib. 518 sol. 0 den. 0
There is no explanation for the difference in total earnings of lib. 4 between the two statements. Following is the record of two shares of capital and profits attributed to each of the two contractors:
attributed to lngo lib. 412 sol.7 den. 2
[attributed to] Ansaldus lib.64 sol. 15 den.2
lib. 477 den. 28

Following are other accounting records and fragments of arith-metical calculations to determine the allocation of earnings.

The Third Venture

After the very satisfactory results of the venture under the second contract of accomandatio, Ansaldus, whose capital had increased considerably, decided to participate with lngo in a third venture under a contract of societas. Document A, verso, in [b], and recto, in [c], discloses the assets invested in the new business venture as follows:
lib. 64 sol. 8 den. 8
lib. 128 sol. 17 den. 4
lib. 284 sol. 9 den 10
lib. 477 sol. 15 den. 10
societas, capital of Ansaldus capital of lngo
accomandatio, capital of lngo

The document also discloses, in [c], the main clauses of this con-tract, among them: the specific route to be followed by Ansaldus, including the important sea-towns in Syria and Egypt, his obligation to give a detailed account of costs and expenses, and the clause “quarta superflui in proficuum societatis.” This means that when the two contracts of accomandatio and societas were stipulated “ad quartam proficui” for the same business venture, one fourth of the earnings which usually was given to the merchant for an isolated accomandatio “debet reverti ad societatem,” that is, had to be assigned to the societas. Consequently, the merchant received only one eighth of the earnings.

The opening period “tertia die augusti , , . in capitula” was clearly a reference to the deed of partnership drawn up before the-wit-nesses and a notary, who undoubtedly was Johannes Scriba. He had already drawn up the preceding deed which was dated October 1157, consequently this contract of societas was stipulated on the 3rd of August 1158.

In Document A, verso, in [d], there is what appears to be a warranty by Ingo, who bound himself to pay lib 26 sol. 10 owed by one Guiscardus, under the condition that if this money was promptly collected, “sunt in societate lucrature ut alie,” that is, it ought to be added to the funds already contributed to the association. In [e] un-collected credits were recorded which, consequently, “remanent Janue” or had to remain in Genoa, because it was impossible to invest them in the newly formed societas. These uncollected credits consisted of 4 pounds owed by Guiscardus, and sol. 39 minus den. 4 owed by one lngo Nocentius. The notations concerning the final settlement of the assets were recorded in the second part of Document A, recto. The inventory which appears in [d] concerns the assets as they were recorded at the end of the overseas journey made by Ansaldus, and their total amount was lib. 760 sol. 18 den. 3, free of all expenses. This inventory includes merchandise specified by weight and measure, and the estimated price, as shown below:

lib. 475
lib. 176
lib. 70
lib. 21
lib. 3
lib. 9
brazil wood at sol. 100
62 cantars of cotton at sol. 57 lib. 176 sol. 14 22 cantars of sugar at sol.
75 lib. of [?] lib.21 sol. 11 den.3
22 mennas of cardamon in cash of which I spent lib. 41/4
for providing the money

62 The Accounting Historians Journal,Spring,1977
for Guiscardo lib.3 sol. 3
lib. 765 sol. 8 den. 3 it remains to be received sol. 17 and a silver cup
In the lower margin of the document Ansaldus recorded, among other numbers, the total amount of lib. 765 sol. 8 den. 3, and the amount obtained after the deduction of lib. 41/4 for expenses “in fornimento pecuniae,” of lib. 760 sol. 18 den. 3. Ansaldus added to this total a credit for sol. 17 and a “cuppa argenti” or a silver cup. This credit for sol. 17 represented a balance for the amount owed by Guiscardus of his original debt of four pounds, of which he had paid lib. 3 sol. 3, as shown in the above inventory.
Document A, verso, was utilized for notes and calculations con-cerning the statement shown on the recto of the manuscript. On the right side of the document Ansaldus recorded particular contractual clauses related to credit agreements.

From Document B, recto, in [a], we learn that in the final settlement of capital and earnings Ansaldus received 140 pounds which were added to his share of profits of lib. 3 den. 27 realized from the sale of cotton at a price higher than the price estimated in inventory. The inventory which followed represented the assets attributed to Ansaldus, who received more than his share, that is, as we read in [c], “habet plus lib. 10 minus den. 9.” Ansaldus was also debited for the equivalent of 15 bezants “quos debebat reddere,” which he had to return, and the amount was equal to lib. 7 sol. 10. In fact Ingo had withdrawn 36 bezants and Ansaldus 32 bezants, for a total of 68 bezants; but Ansaldus was supposed to receive only one fourth of this amount, or 17 bezants, consequently he had to return the difference of 15 bezants, which was debited to his account.7
The statement of merchandise and money received by Ansaldus was reported in Document B, recto, in [b], as follows:
I received cantars 16 rotuli
lib. lib. 45 16 sol. 18 den. 10
lib. lib. 64 19 sol. sol. 8 5 den. 8
lib. 7 sol. 10
lib. 153 sol. 1 den. 18
10 of cotton in cash item, for pepper at the rate
of sol. 100 for alum, 5Y2 cantars for 15 bezants which he had
to give

Document B, verso, in just a short fragment containing notes to-gether with the contractual clause “si excreverit vel decreverit pro racione inde habiturus est Ansaldus.”

Summary and Conclusion

The business activity of Ansaldus Baialardus was documented for three voyages which were covered by three distinct contracts and covered the period from the summer of 1156 through winter of 1158. If we consider the historical context of the content of these documents, a small but significant picture of the entire glorious past of the Genoese Republic is reflected. In particular, the last journey of Ansaldus presents a precise and detailed documentation of these commercial expeditions between Genoa and the Middle East, which were probably undertaken on a regular basis. These documents are also interesting from a legal stand-point, because of the information that we may collect about the final settlement of the contracts of accomandatio and societas maris.

The first operation on the final settlement involved the valuation of all assets, and this was generally done as soon as the tractator or merchant returned from his overseas journey. For this purpose the contractors had to prepare an inventory of all items which were specifically classified: cash on hand, merchandise, debts and credits. Each type of merchandise was valued at current market price, and on this basis the parties made the division of the common goods. The clause “si excreverit vel decreverit” was fairly common; it indicated that in the event that the selling price of the allotted merchandise was different from the estimated price, the difference had to be shared “pro racione” or in proportion. The expenses were deducted immediately from the total assets together with credits which usually were not shared until their collection.

An important factor to consider is that although lngo and Ansal-dus maintained a business relationship for several months, each transaction or overseas voyage was characterized by a distinct contract duly notarized, and not by a general agreement which characterizes a modern partnership. We would also like to call at-tention to the amount of earnings realized in this type of commer-cial venture. During the first journey Ansaldus realized a net profit of 74 pounds. Considering that the invested capital was lib. 205 sol. 4 den. 1, this represents a rate of return of thirty-six per cent. The second journey was even more successful because on a total of lib. 273 sol. 4 den. 1, the two partners realized earnings for lib. 248 sol. 15 den. 11, with a rate of return of almost one hundred percent. Finally, for the third journey, Ansaldus realized a profit of lib. 283 on a capital of lib. 477 sol. 15 den. 10, with a sixty percent rate of return.

During this short period of three commercial ventures and by re-investing capital and profits, lngo de Volta tripled his initial capital and Ansaldus, without initial funds, accumulated a capital of 150 Genoese pounds.

These old Genoese documents have revealed some important economic phenomena, such as the process of capital accumulation and the clear distinction between capital and labor. We may conclude that the analysis of these documents proves that toward the end of the twelfth century the Genoese economy was based on a capitalistic system, and therefore we can see the attributes which were essential and typical to such an economy. Through the study of these financial operations documented in the contracts of ac-comandatio and societas it is possible to perceive the evolution of an economic organization which may be defined as typically “capitalistic,” both in its essential forms and its operations.

APPENDIX
[CARTULARY OF JOHANNES SCRIBA] [Document A, Recto]
[a] + In nomine domini amen.Recordacionem ad Memoriam reti-
nendam facio ego Ansaldus Baialardus de racione quam feci con
domino lngo quum veni in nave de ospitale.Habui de indico lib.
.XC. ¦*¦ s. .IIII.Habui de cexeri lib. .MM et s. .VI.Habui de Petro
Ustachio lib. .LXXXVII. * Habui de nave lib. .XC. de quibus dis-
pendidi in nave lib. .XI ¦*¦ Habui de Fredencone lib. .XVIII. et s.
.Vlll,Habui de lucro de saie s. .XX.Habui de grano lib. .CCXLV. et
s. .VI. de quibus dedi in molo et in stacon et aductura lib. .IIII.
[b] Dominus lngo cepit de isto abere lib. .XVII. et s. .XVI. et dr. .V.
Ego Ansaldus cepi de isto abere lib. .XXVII. et dr. .XV.
fci CCCCCXXXVlll
XV +
LXXXXI. s. IIII CCLXXXV d. XXI
IIII. II. s. VI CCLXXXllll + minus d. II
LXXXVII s. X CXXVIII s. XVII d. Mil
LXXXX s. Xllll d. XX LXllll s. Vlll d. Vlll

Martinelli: Business Ventures in Genoa During The Twelfth Century 65
XVlllls. Vlll LIN+ XXll
CCXLV s. VI
DXXll + s.Mil CCCCLXXVll s. VII d. Vllll
[d]
LXXXXV centenaria piperis et
braçilis ad s. C Ib. CCCCLXXV
LXII cantaria bombacis ad
s. LVII Ib. CLXXVl s. Xllll
XXll cantaria çucarini ad
s. LXX Ib. LXXVll
LXXV Ib. Ib. XXI s. XI d. Ill
XXII mennas cardamoni Ib. Ill
in denariis Ib. Vllll
quorum expendit in fornimento
pecuniae Ib. IIII ¦*¦
de Guiscardo Ib. Ills. Ill
remanent s. XVII ad accipiendum
et cuppa argenti
CCLXXXll s. XVlll d. VII CLXXXXIII s. VI
CLXXV
CXVIII. CVII s. XVI
DCCLX s. XVIII d. Ill DCCCLXXV
DCCLXV. s. Vlll d. Ill
Xlll VIII. XXXVlll XIIII. VIIIll +
[Document A, Verso]
[a] [Complicated series of arithmetical operations, with some in
decipherable inscriptions]
[b] CCCC XIII.s. VIId. II.
LXIIII.s. VIII.d. Vlll
CXXVIIIs. XVIId. IIII.
CCLXXXllll + minus d.II.
[c] III. die augusti. Testes Lambertus Guercius Dragus Fraimundus
Petrus Ferrarius. in capitulo.Ultramare et Damascum si volet inde
Sciciliam si voluerit vel Januam vel Alexandriam inde Januam et a
Sicilia.Quarta superflui in proficuum societatis.
Si ei Ingo voluerit demandare de expensis quas ante istud iter fecerit ipse Ansaldus ei debet inde respondere racionabiliter et componere quid racio erit.

[d] Et remanet lngo pagator de Ib. XXVl ¦*¦ si Guiscardus tinctor
eas non solverit qui eas pagare debet ut dicit.Et si solverit eas
sint in societate lucrature ut alie.
[e] Remanent Janue Ib. IIII. huius societatis quas Guiscardus tinctor
ut dicit debet. ets. XXXVII I I minus d. MM mingorensium quos debet
lngo Nocentius et non sunt in summa aliqua computati.
[Document B, Recto]
[a] Bombace crevit Ib. XII. s. VIIII. unde proveniunt Ansaldo Ib. Ill.
d. XXVll
Debebat recipere Ib. CXL. vult recipere Ib. CXLlll d. XXVII
[b] Recepit bombacis cantaria
XVI rotulos X Ib. XXXXV s. XVIIId. X
In denariis Ib. XVI
Item in pipere ad racio-
nem de s. C Ib. LXIIII. s. VIII.d. VIII.
In alumine cantaria V ¦*¦
quartam scilicet Ib. XVIIII.s. V.
In racione bisanciorum
XV. quos debebat
reddere Ib. VII ¦*¦
Summa [Ib.] CLIII.s. I d. XVIII.
[c] et de bisanciis XXXVl. quos dominus lngo habuit
et de bisanciis XXXII. quos ipse habuit habet
quartam partem et de his reddidit superfluum
habet plus Ib. X minus d. VIIII.
[Document B, Verso]

Piperis et bracilis centenaria LXXXXV. ad racionem de Ib. V. Aluminis cantaria XXll ad racionem de Ib. Ill ¦*¦ Si excreverit vel decreverit pro racione inde habiturus est Ansal-dus. Ansaldus dedi Ib. XV. et s. MM.
[Document C, Recto]

[a] + In nomine Domini amen. Recordacionem facio ego Ansaldus Baialardus de abere domini lngonis quem porto mecum ad quartum proficui. fuit capitale lib. CCV. et s. MM. et dr. I. unde Dei gratia lucratus sum lib. LXXIIII. de quo lucro facio capitale pro volunptate domini Ingonis.de supra scriptis lib. LXXI III. pertinet ad meam

Martinelli: Business Ventures in Genoa During The Twelfth Century partem lib. XVIII ¦*¦ et quod deus dederit in istas lib. XVIII ¦*¦ capitale et proficuum debet esse meum et remanet ad dominum lngo de suprascripto lucro lib. LV ¦*¦ de quibus dominus lngo accepit lib. IIII. de Oblerio Noxencio et de Bonobello bancherio s. XL. et quod remanet de istis lib. LV ¦*¦ scilicet lib. XLVIIII ¦*¦ facit dominus lngo capitale et est supra totum lib. CCLIIII. et s. XIIII. et dr. I. unde ego Ansaldus debeo habere quartam partem proficui quod deus dederit. lngo Noxencius debet reddere in ista compagnia s. XL. minus dr. IIII. milgorensium de coperta viride quam ei comparavi.

[b]
s. II. d. II. DXLVI. XXVIIII.s. VIII.d.II.
sunt Ib. DXXII.
capitale CCLXXIII.s. IIII.d. I.
proficuum CCXXVII. s. VI. proficuum Ib. CCXLVIII.s. XVI. minus d. I.
LVI. + s. XII. + d. VII .DC. LVI.s. XII.d. Vlll
XVII.s. VIIII.d. II. XXXl +
XVlll + XXVlII. LXIII.
s. II.d. + et nona. CCCXXII.
CLXVIII. xxxv.
s. I.d. I + DLX.s. XXXVII. CCCCXLI III.
s.XIIII. CLXX.CCCXL.
[Document C, Verso]

[a]
Capitale lngonis Ansaldi Capitale Proficuum Supra totum
[b] Supersunt lngoni Ansaldo
[c]
CCLIIII. s. XIIII. d. I.

CCLXX,
s. XIIII.d. I.
s. XVI minus d. I.
Ib. CCLIIII. Ib. XVlll + Ib. CCXXXXMM. Ib. DXVII.
Ib. CCCCXII. s. VII.d. II.
Ib. LXllll s. XV.d. II.
Ib. CCCCLXXVII d. XXVIII
CCCCLXXVII. s. XV.d. X. XXXXV.s. Xll.d. VII.
s. III.d. I.

68 The Accounting Historians Journal, Spring,1977
CCCCXXX.s. XIII.d. VII. minus d.
s. VII.d. II.
[d] XVIII+
s. Vllll + LVI.5. XVI +
CLXX. XVI + minus d. I.
CCXXVII.s. VI. Pars Ansaldi Ib. LXXXXI.
CCCC XIII.s. VII.d. II. s. XVI d. V
XIIII.s. XV.d. II
Nil s. Illd. Vlll LVI.s. XVll +
LXlllls. Vlll d. Vlll XV
CCXXIII. II.
XXVlIs. XV .d. II.
XVII.s. XVI.d. V

FOOTNOTES

1State Archives of Genoa: Cartularium no. 1, fos. 1-163, attributed to Johannes Scriba (1154-1164); Cartularium no. 2, fos. 1-231, attributed to Lanfrancus, but con-taining acts of the notary Obertus Scriba de Mercato (1182-1214); Cartularium no, 3, fos. 1-151, Part I (1192-1233) and Part II (1192-1248), attributed to Lanfrancus and others (some of the other notaries mentioned in the cartulary are: Johannes Saurinus, Guido de S. Ambrosio, Guilielmus de Sauro, Facius de S. Donato, Bonus-vassallus de Maiori); Cartularium no. 4, fos. 1-258, attributed to Lanfrancus and others, but containing acts of the notary Obertus Scriba de Mercato (1200-1207); Cartularium no. 5, fos. 1-329, attributed to Johannes de Amandolexio (1182-1214); Cartularium no. 6, fos. 1-334, attributed to Guilielmus Cassinensis and others (1188-1206).

2State Archives of Genoa, Cartularium no. 1 attributed to Johannes Scriba (1154-1164), Fogli Sciolti nos. 164, 165 and 166. These documents were first examined by Guido Astuti, Rendiconti Mercantili lnediti del Cartolare di Giovanni Scriba, Pubblicati con lntroduzione e Commento (Turin, 1933). See also Florence Edler De Roover, “Partnership Accounts in Twelfth Century Genoa,” Bulletin of the Business Historical Society, XV (December, 1941), pp. 87-92.

3Chartarum, col. 331, no. 315.
4Chartarum, col. 447, no. 521.
5Astuti, pp. 19-18.
6Astuti, pp. 29-30.
7Astuti, pp. 34-35.