T. A. LEE THE UNIVERSITY OF ALABAMA
THE INFLUENCE OF SCOTTISH ACCOUNTANTS IN THE UNITED STATES: THE EARLY CASE OF THE SOCIETY OF ACCOUNTANTS IN EDINBURGH
Abstract: This study represents part of a longterm research program Lo investigate the influence of U.K. accountants on the development of professional accountancy in other parts of the world. It examines the impact of a small group of Scottish chartered accountants who emigrated to the U.S. in the late 1800s and early 1900s. Set against a general theory of emigration, the study’s main results reveal the significant involvement of this group in the founding and development of U.S. accountancy. The influence is predominantly with respect to public accountancy and its main institutional organizations. Several of the individuals achieved considerable eminence in U.S. public accountancy.
INTRODUCTION
In 1854, Queen Victoria granted a royal charter of incorporation to 61 members of The Society of Accountants in Edinburgh (SAE) (Lee, 1996). Under this banner of professional legitimacy, the SAE membership prospered and, by 1914, totalled 580 chartered accountants. However, not all SAE members admitted between 1854 and 1914 remained in Edinburgh. Research of the early history of the SAE reveals more than 23% of its admittants in this period moved overseas to develop their careers (Walker, 1988, p.44). Indeed, only 49% of the 726 SAE members admitted between 1854 and 1914 remained in Edinburgh after admission.
Fiftvnine SAE members emigrated to the United States
Acknowledgments: I am most grateful to Dr S. P. Walker for assistance on this project; an anonymous reviewer and the Editor of this journal for helpful suggestions; and to the Scottish Committee on Accounting History of The Institute of Chartered Accountants of Scotland, and the Hugh Culvcrhouse Endowment of The University of Alabama for financial support.
Submitted September 1996
Revised 3/21/97
Accepted March 1997
(U.S.) between 1883 and 1926.1 They comprise approximately 10% of the 600 admissions to the SAE membership between 1881 (the year of admission of the first SAE emigrant to the U.S.) and 1914 (the beginning of the First World War, and the year of admission of the last U.S. emigrant in this study). They were therefore a significant proportion of a growing chartered accountancy profession in Edinburgh in the late 1800s and early 1900s. Fortysix of the emigrants remained in the U.S. throughout their working lives, 8 returned to the U.K., and the remaining 5 moved on to other parts of the world to develop their careers.
The purpose of this paper is to report on the first phase of a longterm research program to identify the impact of U.K. accountants on the development of professional accountancy in other parts of the world. In this first study, the research focus is on the early SAE influence in the U.S. It is therefore an extended case study of the effect of emigration on the development of professional accountancy. As accounting histories such as Kedslie (1990a), Lee (1995), and Shackleton and Milner (1995) demonstrate, there were significant differences in the membership and organizational features of the early U.K. chartered accountancy bodies (i.e., with respect to members’ backgrounds, training and examining standards, and clients). It is therefore important to examine each community on an individual basis prior to generalizing from the separate results.
In this study, the SAE is the body of professional accountants examined. Only accountants who were SAE members at the time of their emigration are included in the data base. The main empirical analysis therefore ignores SAE members who resigned prior to emigration, SAE apprentices who never became members, and Edinburgh accountants unconnected with the SAE. Future research will observe other U.K. bodies (e.g., The Institute of Accountants and Actuaries in Glasgow [IAAG], and The Institute of Chartered Accountants in England and Wales), as well as developments in countries other than the U.S. (e.g., Australia and Canada).
Within a general context of emigration to the U.S. in the late 1800s and early 1900s, and with respect to a theoretical
‘One other SAE member (J. V. Fleming, admitted 1898) emigrated to the U.S. However, he did so in 1941 on retirement after over 40 years of practice in Edinburgh. He has been excluded from the data set as he appears not to have been an emigrant in the sense of the other 59 members.
perspective on emigration, the current study describes 59 identifiable SAE emigrants, and reports on what they achieved as professional accountants in the U.S. More specifically, the study attempts to identify the degree of influence these accountants had on the foundation and development of the U.S. accountancy profession (with particular reference to its institutionalization processes and practice formations).
Data sources used in the project are indicated in the bibliography with an asterisk. In this respect, it should be noted that available sources of information about the SAE emigrants were limited, and the detailed content of what was available was relatively restricted. Early membership records of professional accountancy bodies such as the SAE tend to describe mainly address changes.
EMIGRATION TO THE U.S. AND EMIGRATION THEORY
U.K. Emigration
The SAE emigrants in this study are examined in the context of a general pattern of emigration from Scotland to the U.S. in the late 1800s and early 1900s. Emigration from Scotland was part of a wider European migration which gathered momentum in the late 1700s, and began to diminish in the last two decades of the nineteenth century (Brander, 1982, pp.55, 73). More than 33 million emigrants from around the world arrived in the U.S. between the early 1800s and the early 1900s (Baines, 1991, pp.89; and Nugent, 1992, p.30). Over a comparable period, it is estimated that nearly 17 million individuals left the U.K. for other parts of the world (Nugent, 1992, p.30; see also Baines, 1991, pp.89). How many U.K. emigrants travelled to the U.S. is not precisely known, and those estimates which have been made tend to vary. Nugent (1992, p.45), for example, suggests that, for the period 1871 and 1900, between 60% and 70% of emigrants from England, Scotland and Wales arrived in the U.S. This datum drops to 37% for the period 1901 to 1914. Musgrove (1963, p.19) reports 60% of U.K. emigrants leaving for the U.S. in the 1890s.
Scottish Emigration
How many Scots emigrated to the U.S. is equally problematic. Prentis (1983, p.27) calculates that between 9% and 10% of U.K. emigrants from the 1850s to the 1890s were of Scottish origin. Baines (1991, p. 10), on the other hand, estimates that the annual average Scottish emigration rate (per 100 of population) ranged from approximately onehalf percent (for the decades from 1851 to 1880) to approximately one percent (for the decades 1901 to 1930). Nugent (1992, p.46) translates these rates into absolute terms, and claims that approximately 635,000 Scots entered the U.S. between 1871 and 1910. Aspinwall (1985, p. 113) estimates the figure at 800,000 for the period 1820 to 1950. Brander (1982, p.104), on the other hand, puts forward a figure of 500,000 for the period 1861 to 1901. Berthoff (1953, p.5) states a datum of 567,000 for a century of Scottish emigration to the U.S. (i.e., from 1820 to 1920). In contrast, Anderson and Morse (1990, p. 15) disclose two million Scots emigrants worldwide between 1830 and 1914, with an estimated onehalf arriving in the U.S. between 1853 and 1914.
Despite these variations in emigration data estimates, it is clear that, within the period of emigration in this study (i.e., 1883 to 1926), many hundreds of thousands of individuals left Scotland for the U.S. The U.S. population census statistics bear this out. For example, according to Brander (1982, p.89), in 1790, the recorded U.S. population of Scottish birth was 189,000. Nugent (1992, p.151) reports it grew to 261,000 by 1910. This suggests a large number of Scots emigrants either died, returned to Scotland, or disappeared. For example, Nugent (1992, p.35) reports that 53% of U.K. emigrants to the U.S. between 1908 and 1914 returned to the U.K. Whatever the level of overall Scottish emigration to the U.S., however, it is certainly unsurprising to find (as in the current study) that it included a number of Edinburgh chartered accountants.
Emigration Theory
There are two basic theoretical approaches to emigration (Woods, 1982, p. 131). The first approach relates to descriptions of emigrants and their emigration (including economic, political, and social reasons why they emigrated). The second approach deals with the economic, political, and social effects of emigration. The current study of SAE emigrants incorporates recognition of both theoretical bases in its analyses. For example, much of the paper’s empirical content deals with descriptions of the SAE emigrants, and their emigration locations and employment. Also included are descriptions of how their careers progressed. What is lacking because of insufficient data are specific reasons for the SAE emigration. It is therefore useful to initially describe what emigration researchers typically state as the major reasons for emigration generally and emigration of skills particularly.
Emigration takes place for a number of economic, political, and social reasons. These can be generally categorized as “push” factors (e.g., economic decline, unemployment, and oppression), and “pull” factors (e.g., employment, better wages, education, and improved social status) (De Jong and Fawcett, 1981, p.20; and Lewis, 1982, p. 100). Typically, emigration occurs because of differentials between the departing and host countries which allow emigrants to maximize on economic opportunity and social aspiration (Lee, 1969, pp. 2857; De Jong and Fawcett, 1981, p. 17; Lucas, 1981, pp.856; and Clark, 1986, p.80). The greater the differentials with respect to emigration factors, the greater the level of emigration (Lee, 1969, pp.28992).
A common feature of emigration appears to be the frustration of the emigrant with conditions in the country of departure (Aspinwall, 1982, p.201; and Brander, 1982, p.73). It is therefore presumed in this study that the SAE emigrants were sufficiently frustrated with their economic and/or social conditions in Edinburgh to emigrate to the U.S. The latter supposition appears reasonable within the specific context of researched reasons for Scottish emigration in the second half of the nineteenth century. The major stimulus for such emigration was economic, particularly with respect to the importing of necessary skills from Scotland to the U.S. As Devine (1992, pp.23) reports, Scottish emigration during this period was a paradox because Scottish economic resources were sufficient to sustain a larger population. The emigrants left mainly industrial locations, and a large proportion were skilled and found similar employment in the U.S. (Aspinwall, 1985, p.114). For example, Berthoff (1953, p.21) finds more than 40% of Scots emigrants between 1873 and 1918 had disclosed skills when they emigrated. Musgrove (1963, p.22) identifies a comparable effect. He reports that the proportion of skilled U.K. emigrants to the U.S. increased from 15% to 45% between 1900 and 1913.
The reason for the early transfer of skills between Scotland and the U.S. was the Scottish influence on industries such as textiles, railroads, cattle, coal, and engineering (Aspinwall, 1985, pp.95, 100, 11516). However, with the later consolidation of large U.S. businesses, labor problems, and an erosion in value of imported Scottish skills and status, emigration from
Scotland to the U.S. became less attractive (Aspinwall, 1985, p.82). For example, Scottish expertise was no longer needed in U.S. iron and steel industries by the 1870s, nor in coal mining by the 1880s (Brander, 1982, p. 102; and Aspinwall, 1985, p.120).
By 1914, the main emigration from the U.K. to the U.S. was what Musgrove (1963, p.28) describes as elite. Indeed, he concludes that middle class, white collar individuals were overrepresented within the U.S. emigration population (Musgrove, 1963, p. 17). Of interest to the current study is Musgrove’s more detailed finding that, as the emigrating proportion of individuals in the established professions slowed down in the late 1800s and early 1900s, the comparable proportion in the new professions increased (Musgrove, 1963, p.23). This would have included chartered accountants such as the SAE members. Professional qualifications were expected to give emigrants a significant start in the host country (Erickson, 1972, p.394), and the 1890 U.S. Census discloses 3.1% of Scots male emigrants were professionals (Berthoff, 1953, p.121). The equivalent datum for females is 3.6%. Within this general context, the SAE emigration in the late 1800s and early 1900s is not unexpected. Economic and social status differentials between Scotland and the U.S. were presumably sufficiently great to cause a significant proportion of SAE members to be frustrated enough to emigrate.
The literature of emigration contains general pointers of relevance to the location of the SAE emigration. Lee (1969, p.292) concludes that emigration is typically along defined routes. This can be evidenced more specifically in relation to Scots emigrating to the U.S. during the last half of the nineteenth century. For example, in the early part of the period 1861 and 1901, Scots emigrants located mainly in New York, Pennsylvania, and Massachusetts. Later emigrants were typically found in Illinois, Michigan, and Ohio (Brander, 1982, p. 104). The major cities hosting these emigrants during the same periods were New York, Chicago, Philadelphia, and Detroit. The 1920 U.S. Census confirms these data (Aspinwall, 1985, p.123). Thus, in the current study, it is unsurprising to find a considerable proportion of SAE emigrants located in the above states and cities.
PROFESSIONAL ACCOUNTANCY IN THE LATE NINETEENTH CENTURY
The first SAE members known to have emigrated to the U.S. were W. H. K. Skinner (to Kansas in 1883) and T. R. Fleming (to Colorado in 1885). No information is available as to why they emigrated. According to SAE records, both men resided in the U.S. for three years. Skinner was the son of a lawyer and last recorded as an SAE member in Kansas in 1886. Fleming, the son of a banker, moved from the U.S. to South Africa in 1888, and remained there until at least 1924. Fleming’s locations suggest he may have been concerned with mining operations.
The main SAE emigration started in the mid 1890s. Twenty SAE members arrived in the U.S. between 1883 and 1904. A further 39 entered between 1905 and 1926. Twentynine of the 59 emigrants were admitted as SAE members prior to 1905. The remaining 30 became chartered accountants between 1905 and 1914. Thirtyeight of the 59 emigrants were educated at four leading Edinburgh private schools (in order, George Watson’s College, George Heriot’s School, the Edinburgh Academy, and Daniel Stewart’s College). The largest group (17) was educated at George Watson’s College.
Walker (1988, pp.4051; see also Brown, 1905, p.332) characterizes the late 1800s and early 1900s in Edinburgh as a period of oversupply in professional accountancy, and this is supported by data in this study. All 59 emigrants were admitted to the SAE by 1914, and 47 had entered the U.S. by that year. Table 1 provides a complete analysis of the time period between admittance as an SAE member and arriving in the U.S., and the length of stay. It discloses that 42 (71%) of the emigrants entered the U.S. within 5 years of becoming SAE members, and 36 (61%) stayed for 21 years or more. Thus, for most of these individuals, emigration to the U.S. was a decision taken at an early stage in their professional accountancy careers, and resulted in these careers being located for the most part in the U.S.
124 The Accounting Historians Journal, June 1997
TABLE 1: SAE MEMBERSHIP, U.S. EMIGRATION AND
U.S. RESIDENCY
Period To Emigration Of Residency
(years)
05 42 9
620 14 14
21 +. 3 36
Total 59 59
The significance of Table 1 is that it suggests the large majority of the SAE emigrants had time to materially influence the development of professional accountancy in the U.S. They were leaving a situation in which a local oversupply of professional accountants existed. In addition, they were members of an institutional body which was arguably well ahead of similar bodies in the setting of professional accounting standards. Each of the 59 emigrants completed a professional training involving a fiveyear apprenticeship with an SAE member, compulsory attendance at University of Edinburgh law classes, and passing several written professional examinations.2 Fortyone individuals were admitted to membership under a national uniform system of training and examination which was administered from Edinburgh. Thirtyeight had SAEmanaged evening classes available to assist in their examination preparation.
The 59 emigrants were therefore well qualified to practice their profession in the U.S. They were typical of admittants to the SAE between 1854 and 1914. The occupational classifications of the fathers of the 59 men are proportionally similar to those of all SAE apprentices identified by Walker (1988, p.174) between 1837 and 1911. For example, 22 were from independent or professional backgrounds, 12 from manufacturing, commerce and farming, and 25 from lower middle and working class backgrounds. The majority (38) were educated at respected private schools in Edinburgh. The emigrants therefore do not appear to be significantly different as a social group from the total professional population of which they were initially a part.
2For details of these arrangements, see Lee (1995). At least two of the SAE emigrants (R. L. Cuthbert in his finals in 1891; and M. C. McEwan at the intermediate stage in 1885) were prize winners in their professional examinations.
Why the SAE emigrants left the U.K. is unknown. Lack of employment and career opportunities may fit most cases. Adventure and opportunity may be relevant to others. Escape from an impending World War may be yet another (13 of the 59 accountants emigrated in the years 1913, 1914 and 1915). Whatever the reason, the emigrants joined an accountancy community at the beginning of its journey to maturity, and in need of an influx of expertise.3 Indeed, Brown (1905, pp.2789) characterizes the U.S. accountancy profession at the beginning of the twentieth century as behind U.K. standards and undertaking work not usually thought of as mainstream practice in the U.K. (e.g., auditing).
Most of the SAE emigrants entered a world in which organized and institutionalized accountancy was at an early stage. The first organized body of accountants (the New York Institute of Accounts [NYIA]) was formed in 1882, followed soon after in 1886 by the American Association of Public Accountants (AAPA). The AAPA was formed in Philadelphia by 24 individuals who were mainly chartered accountants from the U.K. Of the initial 10 AAPA Council members, 8 were from New York, and one each from Boston and Philadelphia. No SAE members were involved in the formation of the AAPA. The SAE influence on institutionalization was to come later in the AAPA’s history. Indeed, 12 of the 59 emigrants are known to have become AAPA members, including J. B. Niven who was its VicePresident in 1915.
TABLE 2: U.S. ACCOUNTANTS IN THE LATE 1800s
Date New York Chicago Philadelphia Total
1870 12 2 14 28
1880 31 3 15 49
1890 66 24 35 125
1899 183 71 74 328
‘For detailed histories of the U.S. profession, see Edwards (1960), Carey (1969), Previts and Merino (1979), Zeff (1988), and Miranli (1990).
4Brown was particularly concerned about the lack of courtrelated work in the practices of U.S. accountants. Such work was a major part of many SAE members in the late 1890s and early 1900s, and was a major influence in the founding of the SAE (see Kedslie, 1990a and 1990b; and Walker, 1988 and 1995).
New York had the largest community of accountants in the late 1800s, as revealed by figures researched by A. C. Littleton (Zeff, 1988, p. 15) (see Table 2). By 1899, there were 328 accountants identified in 3 of the largest U.S. cities. By way of contrast, the SAE in 1900 had a membership of 351, and there were 720 chartered accountants in the 3 Scottish societies formed in Aberdeen, Edinburgh, and Glasgow.
Public accountancy firms gradually emerged in the U.S. during the last decade of the nineteenth century. They were mainly founded by U.K. accountants fulfilling audit and company formation contracts in the U.S. (e.g., in brewing, steel manufacturing, and railroads). Examples of such firms include Barrow, Wade, Guthrie & Co. in New York (formed in 1883), Price Waterhouse & Co. in New York (1890) and Chicago (1891), Broads, Patterson & Co. in Chicago (1894), Arthur Young & Co. in New York (1894), Deloitte, Plender, Griffiths & Co. in New York (1895), Marwick, Mitchell & Co. in New York (1897), and Touche, Niven & Co. in Chicago (1900) and New York (1901). At least 32 of the 59 SAE emigrants are known to have been associated with one or more of the above firms at some time in their U.S. careers.
The U.K. influence of chartered accountants in the organization of the AAPA was increasingly resented in the late 1800s by other accountants with nonU.K. backgrounds (Miranti, 1990, pp.2947). The greatest competition to the AAPA came from the NYIA which had been formed by nonchartered accountants with the intention of emphasizing “scientific” accounting.5 In events reminiscent of activities in Scotland between 1884 and 1914,6 the new U.S. professionals gradually organized to selfregulate public accountants and accountancy standards. The process was engineered through individual state legislation which licensed appropriately qualified individuals, and used state societies of public accountants and boards of accountancy to manage the legislation (Miranti, 1990, pp.4868).
5The driving force behind the formation of the NYIA was C. W. Haskins who, with E. W. Sells, formed Haskins & Sells in 1895 (Miranti, 1990). No SAE emigrant in the current study is known to have worked for Haskins & Sells.
6The early history of both the Scottish and English accountancy bodies was characterized by interbody rivalry. In Scotland, this resulted in successful court actions to maintain the monopoly of chartered accountancy (see Walker, 1991), and numerous unsuccessful attempts at obtaining U.K. legislation to effect the same result (see Macdonald, 1985).
The first legislative provision was introduced in New York in 1896, and the New York State Society of Certified Public Accountants was formed in 1897. No SAE members were involved in the New York State Society formation, although at least 25 of the 59 emigrants became members of state societies. Other state societies included those of Pennsylvania (1897), New Jersey (1898), Illinois (1903), Ohio (1903), and Missouri (1904).
Legislative events similar to those in New York took place, for example, in Pennsylvania (1899), Maryland (1900), California (1901), Illinois (1903), and Washington (1903). By 1904, there were 21 state boards of accountancy (Brown, 1905, p.276), and 14 state societies. However, uniformity of standards was rare. This was a situation which also affected the early history of Scottish chartered accountancy.7 However, there was some standardization between states. Many of the earliest members of state societies were admitted under waiver clauses which allowed previous practical experience to substitute for the passing of examinations. These waivers were of advantage to several SAE members coming to the U.S. For example, J. B. Niven was examined by the New York State Society (1904) but admitted under waiver to Illinois (1903), Ohio (1908), and New Jersey (1912). Fourteen of the 59 SAE emigrants joined the New York State Society, and 9 chose the Illinois equivalent (in all probability under the Illinois waiver clause in most cases because of SAE membership and previous practice experience).
The overall situation with state legislation in the early 1900s was one of differences rather than similarities. For example, states such as California, New York, Pennsylvania, and Washington did not permit reciprocity for certified public accountants from other states. Indeed, New York State Society membership was dependent on, first, passing examinations administered by New York University and, second, being a U.S. citizen (or intending to be so). This latter provision appears to have been deliberately aimed at U.K. chartered accountancy emigrants (Miranti, 1990, pp.5662). In fact, 4 leading English chartered accountants (including A. L. Dickinson of Price Waterhouse & Co.) were denied membership of the New York
‘Apart from rivalries between chartered and nonchartered accountancy bodies in Scotland, there was a persistent rivalry and hostility over professional standards between the SAE and its Glasgow counterpart, the fAAG (see Shackleton and Milner, 1995; and Lee, 1995).
State Society because they did not meet these standards.8 As a result, they joined the Illinois State Society which had more liberal waiver provisions. Miranti (1990, p.61) comments that, by 1903, nearly onethird of the 54 Illinois members were from Price Waterhouse & Co.
The need for uniformity among states eventually forced national public accountancy firms such as Price Waterhouse & Co. to take action to prevent federal legislation being introduced to bring uniform standards. In 1902, they helped form and fund the Federation of State Societies of Public Accountants in the United States (FSSPAUS) (Miranti, 1990, pp.628). The New York State Society initially joined FSSPAUS but left in 1903 because most FSSPAUS members were also AAPA members, thus emphasizing the continuing tension between chartered and other certified professional accountants in New York at that time. The AAPA was reorganized in 1916 as the Institute of Accountants in the United States of America (IAUSA), using the U.K. model of centralization, and with membership not based on state society affiliation (Miranti, 1990, pp. 11516).9 Indeed, 10 of the 35 initial IAUSA Council members had U.K. or Canadian origins (Miranti, 1990, p. 116). The IAUSA was renamed the American Institute of Accountants (AIA) in 1917. Thirteen of the 59 SAE emigrants were founding Fellows of the IAUSA in 1916. The AIA eventually merged in 1936 with the American Society of Certified Public Accountants (ASCPA) to form the presentday American Institute of Certified Public Accountants (AICPA). The ASCPA was founded in 1921 in response to the lack of state society affiliation in the AIA membership rules yet another example of the rivalries and associated tensions between different professional accountancy communities in the U.S. in the early twentieth century. No SAE member can be evidenced as a founding member of the ASCPA.
The above brief commentary describes the institutional and organizational framework of professional accountancy encountered by the 59 SAE emigrants entering the U.S. from 1883
8It is not known whether any SAE members were similarly excluded.
‘One SAE emigrant (J. B. Niven) was heavily involved in the AAPA and had explicit reservations concerning the new structure not involving state socieLy affiliation (Miranti, 1990, p.l 15). Niven had been a ViccPresident of the AAPA and the New York State Society in 191516, and was President of the New Jersey State Society between 1915 and 1921. He was a member of 4 state societies. Thus, not all chartered accountants were wedded to the U.K. model. Niven became President of the AIA in 1924.
Lee: The Influence of Scottish Accountants in the United Stales: The Early 129 Case of the Society of Accountants in Edinburgh
onwards. The next two sections explain more about where they entered the U.S., and how they influenced its professional accountancy history.
THE NEW EMIGRANTS
The 59 SAE emigrants arrived in the U.S. predominantly from Edinburgh. Fortysix appear to have travelled from that location, with a further 5 from other parts of the U.K. (including London), and the remaining 8 from various parts of the world (including Canada). Thus, 13 of the group had already moved from Edinburgh prior to relocating in the U.S. Their initial residence was typically New York. Thirtytwo started work there, with a further 8 doing so in Chicago. The remaining 19 accountants started their residency at 12 different U.S. locations. In other words, most of the emigrants focused on the two U.S. cities with the largest populations of accountants (particularly of chartered accountants).
The majority of the new emigrants remained in the U.S. throughout their working lives. Twenty stayed at their original point of entry, and a further 26 relocated at least once in the U.S. during their careers. Eight returned to the U.K., and 5 moved eventually to other parts of the world (including Canada) . The emigrant group worked in a total of 23 states, with a major focus on New York and Illinois (consistent with their initial residency). Forty of the 59 emigrants worked at some time in New York, 16 in Illinois, 7 in Missouri, and 6 in California.
Despite difficulties associated with a lack of reliable data sources, it is possible to describe the types of employment with which the 59 SAE emigrants were involved. Table 3 outlines the broad categories of occupation, and also provides information regarding professional affiliations.
130 The Accounting Historians Journal, June 1997
TABLE 3: OCCUPATIONS OF THE SAE EMIGRANTS
Public accountancy only 30*
Public accountancy and industry 12*
Public accountancy and finance (or government) 5 *
Industry, education, finance, or government 7
No information 5
Total 59
* Public Accountants
State society members only 2
State society and AAPA or AIA members 23 ‘
AAPA or AIA members only 1 i
Unlicensed public accountants 21
Total 47
1 12 AAPA members; and 21 (13 founding) ATA members.
Table 3 suggests that at least 37 (80%) of the SAE emigrants were involved at some time in U.S. public accountancy. This finding is unsurprising as every emigrant was trained and educated in Scotland as a chartered accountant. Thirty individuals remained in public accountancy, and 17 moved from the latter into occupations in industry, finance or government. Seven accountants were employed in either industry’, education, finance or government without entering U.S. public accountancy.
The major focus of this emigrant group was therefore public accountancy. Twentyfive of the 47 individuals involved in the occupation were licensed as public accountants by state boards of accountancy (23 were also members of either the AAPA or AIA). One individual was a member of both the AAPA and AIA without becoming a state society member. Twentyone of the 47 SAE members appear to have practiced as public accountants without membership of a U.S. professional accountancy body. All 47 SAE emigrants who practiced as public accountants in the U.S. remained as members of the SAE during their public accountancy tenure. This perhaps emphasizes the importance to them of chartered accountancy, and its acceptance in the U.S. Interestingly, however, for those SAE emigrants for which there is an official record, none are found to be described as chartered accountants.
Of the 25 emigrants known to have been members of state societies in the U.S., 15 had a single membership, 9 dual membership, and 2 triple or quadruple membership. Fourteen of these individuals were members of the New York State Society and 9 of the Illinois body. Nine other societies had a total of 17 SAE members. Thus, as with their arrival and employment locations, the statelicensed SAE emigrants primarily focused on public accountancy in New York and Chicago.
The 47 SAE emigrants employed at some time in public accountancy were affiliated with a number of firms. Twentyeight were associated with one firm, 17 with two, and 2 with three. Eighteen individuals worked with Price Waterhouse & Co., 9 with Marwick, Mitchell & Co., 5 with Touche, Niven & Co., and 4 with Arthur Young & Co. (all firms with strong Scottish connections). Nineteen individuals were employed by 11 other firms. Thirteen accountants were selfemployed or partners in small firms. Of the 42 emigrants with national firms, at least 13 are known to have become partners. The latter group represents 28% of the public accountant group.
Table 4 below provides a review of the employment tenure of the 59 SAE emigrants. Thirty of these individuals had a single type of employment, and 24 changed the nature of their employment at least once. The employment details of 5 accountants could not be identified. Because of multiple employment, the figures in Table 4 exceed the total of 59.
The above data show that, for public accountants, 28 had 16 or more years of experience. For those in industry, the majority of 9 had 10 or less years of experience. For those in finance or education, most of the SAE members had less than 10 years of experience. These results support earlier findings that, at least for the majority of SAE emigrants in public accountancy and several others in nonpublic accountancy occupations, U.S. employment experience was longterm and, in many cases, permanent until retirement. Thus, emigration for these individuals was a matter which determined the nature of their lifelong employment. Because of this, it is not unreasonable to suggest it also affected the history of U.S. professional accountancy. This can be seen more clearly when individual experiences are examined in the next section.
THE HIGH ACHIEVERS
Several of the SAE emigrants had successful careers. This is not to suggest that others did not. It merely indicates that available information identifies those listed in Table 5 as the most prominent according to the data available.
TABLE 5: SAE HIGH PROFESSIONAL ACHIEVERS IN THE U.S.
Highest Known Position
T. A.
Bassin,
Brown, R. C.
Caesar, W. J.
Carruthers, C. P.
Charles, W.
Cuthbert, H. T.
Cuthbert, R. L.
Drever, T.
Fraser, E.
Grey, D. L.
Lowson, F.
Mackenzie, D. D. F. Mackenzie, T. A.
Comptroller, Nickel Processing Corporation
Partner, Touche, Niven & Co.
Founding partner, Jones, Caesar & Co.; partner, Price Waterhouse & Co.
Partner, Price Waterhouse & Co.
Partner, Price Waterhouse & Co.
President, Arizona State Society
Partner, Arthur Young & Co. and Deloitte, Plender, Griffiths & Co.
President, American Steel Foundries
President, Missouri State Society
Partner, Price Waterhouse & Co.
VicePresident, American Institute of Accountants
Partner, Arthur Young & Co.
Partner, Barrow, Wade, Guthrie & Co.
MacEwan M, C. Comptroller, Clark & Co.
Niven, J. B. Founding partner, Touche, Niven & Co.;
and President, American Institute of Accountants.
Salmond, C. W. President, Pittsburg School of Accountancy
Sangster, A. Director of Accounts, New York State
Scobie, J. C. Senior partner, Price Waterhouse & Co.
Ten of the SAE emigrants listed in Table 5 became partners in national public accountancy firms (2 as founders). One other SAE member listed with addresses in New York and Chicago (G. A. Touche) had a considerable impact on the U.S. accountancy profession because of the firm he helped to found (Touche, Niven & Co.). However, most of his fame was established in London. He never became a member of any U.S. national or state accountancy body, and left the detailed management of his U.S. operations to his partner, J. B. Niven. Touche, the son of a bank agent, was originally apprenticed in Edinburgh to Niven’s father, A. T. Niven, a founding member of the SAE in 1854.
Of the 10 partners in Table 5, 5 were affiliated to Price Waterhouse & Co., thus emphasizing the important part that Scottish chartered accountants had in the formation and development of that firm in the U.S. The son of a Church of Scotland minister, W. J. Caesar was a founding partner in the firm of Jones, Caesar & Co. which acted as agent for Price Waterhouse & Co. in Chicago and New York from 1895 to 1900, and was involved in audits of breweries, railroads, and manufacturers such as the American Steel and Wire Company. Employees of Price Waterhouse & Co. visited the U.S. from 1873, and Jones, Caesar & Co. acted as individual agents for the firm between 1891 and 1895. The firm of Jones, Caesar & Co. eventually merged with Price Waterhouse & Co. in 1900 when Caesar left for Paris. He apparently was a difficult man who alienated clients, yet left a successful practice for Price Waterhouse & Co. (Jones died in 1898). Caesar was a member and trustee of the New York State Society, and a member of the Illinois Society. He was not a member of either the AAPA or AIA, and therefore apparently uncommitted to the U.K. centralist model of institutionalization adopted in the U.S. By contrast, J. C. Scobie, the son of a carpenter, and who emigrated in 1903 to work for Price Waterhouse & Co., was a member of the state societies of New York, Pennsylvania and Illinois, as well as the AAPA and AIA. He died in 1944 as senior partner of Price Waterhouse & Co. in New York. Scobie wrote a manual of audit procedures which became the basis for AIA publications on that subject. But he was best known for his careful and timeconsuming recovery of the reputation of his firm following the 1939 Securities and Exchange Commission report on its client, McKesson & Robbins.
Of the other high achievers, 3 (H. T. Cuthbert, E. Fraser, and J. B. Niven) were heavily involved in the institutionalization process. Cuthbert was the son of a Clydeside shipowner, and spent several years from 1906 in Chicago, then moved to Phoenix, Arizona where he formed a public accountancy firm of which he was senior partner. He joined the Arizona State Society in 1912, and was its President from 1919 to 1922. Fraser was the son of a schoolmaster, and also initially arrived in Chicago in 1903, stayed a short time (joining the Illinois State Society under the waiver clause), then moved to New York in 1905, working for the Audit Company of New York and Price Waterhouse & Co. In 1907, he worked in Chicago with Arthur Young & Co. Then he moved in 1909 to Kansas City, Missouri to found his own public accountancy firm, from which he retired in 1945. He was Treasurer of the Missouri State Society between 1919 and 1937, and its President between 1937 and 1942. He was chairman of the AIA Special Committee on Procedure in 1925, and was for several years a member of the Missouri State Board of Accountancy.
Niven is arguably the highest achiever of the SAE emigrant group. He was admitted to the SAE in 1893 and emigrated to Chicago in 1899.11 He worked as a staff member with Price Waterhouse & Co. until he formed Touche, Niven & Co. with G. A. Touche. The firm rapidly became a national organization, and Niven was a member by examination in New York (1901), and by waiver in 3 other state societies (Illinois, 1903; Ohio, 1908; and New Jersey, 1912). He was admitted to the AAPA in 1904, and became a VicePresident in 1915 (when he was also VicePresident of the New York State Society). Niven was a member of the AAPA’s Committee on the Journal (191314 and
“It is interesting that Niven went initially to Chicago. As previously mentioned, Illinois had a more liberal attitude to the licensing of professional accountants than did New York.
191516). He became President of the New Jersey State Society in 1915, and occupied that position until 1921 (also being on the New Jersey State Board of Accountancy for many years). By this time, he was heavily involved in the affairs of the ATA. He was a member of its Council from 1917 to 1926 (ex officio, 192649); Executive Committee, 191822, 19245 (as chairman), and 19257; Committee on Federal Regulation, 191719; Committee on Publications, 191635 (chairman, 192735); Board of Examiners, 191724 (chairman, 191929 and 19214); VicePresident, 19212; and President, 19245. In addition, he wrote the tax section of the Journal of Accountancy from 1913 to 1920. He represented the Scottish chartered accountancy bodies at the first World Congress of Accountants in St Louis in 1904. He is reported as taking a prominent part in accountancy education at New York University (the gateway to membership of the New York State Society). Thus, Niven not only built a successful public accountancy practice in the U.S. (which is now part of Deloitte & Touche), but was also heavily involved in the institutional process at state and federal levels. He dealt particularly with education and training matters, and was both a contributor and supporter of the professional literature. He appears to have been one of the first tax practitioners in public accountancy. His role in the development of U.S. professional accountancy has been largely ignored, and appears worthy of further research.
One other SAE emigrant deserves detailed mention, if only for the fact that, despite a relatively short U.S. career, R. L. Cuthbert generated obituaries in the New York CPA, the Journal of Accountancy, Pace Student, and The Accountants’ Magazine following his death on July 6, 1915 at Flanders (aged 47 years). Cuthbert had the unfortunate distinction of being the only New York State Society member killed in the First World War. He was the son of a Greenock shipowner, brother of H. T. Cuthbert, educated in London, trained in Edinburgh, admitted to the SAE in 1891, worked with Deloitte, Plender, Griffiths & Co. in London until 1895, when he emigrated to the U.S. He was member #16 of the New York State Society in 1896, joined the AAPA in 1905, and was a founding AIA member in 1916. At first a sole practitioner in the U.S., he formed a partnership in 1898, went solo again in 1900, then became a Deloitte, Plender, Griffiths & Co. partner in New York between 1905 and 1911. In 1911, he assisted Arthur Young to found his firm and was his partner until 1914, when he volunteered to join the Second King Edwards Horse as a trooper (despite his U.S. citizenship from 1894). He was killed in action at Flanders.
Other SAE emigrants who require further research include T. Drever (the son of a draper) who, following SAE admittance in 1905, emigrated to the U.S. and was, successively, Comptroller, Treasurer, President, and Chairman of American Steel Foundries based in Chicago. He joined the Ohio State Society (1908) and the Illinois State Society (1912), and the AAPA (1912) and AIA (1916). He earned an honorary doctor of letters degree. W. Charles (the son of a sugar merchant) also earned such a degree. Having joined the SAE in 1911, he emigrated to Canada in 1913 to work for Price Waterhouse & Co. He was with the firm successively in Chicago, Milwaukee, and St Louis, being a partner from 1935 to 1947. D. L. Grey (the son of an Edinburgh lawyer) was also a Price Waterhouse & Co. partner (191437), joining the SAE in 1899, emigrating to New York in 1902, and moving to Pittsburg and St. Louis with the same firm. He was a member of the Missouri State Board of Accountancy for several years. F. Lowson (the son of a Dundee linen manufacturer; and SAE member, 1903) spent his career in the U.S. in a partnership in a local New York firm (190524). He then joined the U.S. Treasury in Washington, DC (192446). In 19234, he was chairman of the AIA’s Committee on Federal Legislation, a member of its Committee on Form and Administration of Income Tax Law, and a VicePresident. Finally, M. C. MacEwan (the son of a Presbyterian minister), who died of pneumonia in 1899 in Chicago, was a partner in an Edinburgh accountancy firm who went to the U.S. in 1896 to be the financial manager of a thread manufacturer later taken over by the Scottish firm of J. & P. Coats. MacEwan was a distinguished Scottish rugby internationalist who captained the national championship team of 1891.
OTHER EDINBURGH EMIGRANTS
It would be remiss to ignore nonSAE accountants who emigrated from Edinburgh to the U.S. in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.12 They have been omitted from
l2Webster (1954) reveals that, of 214 Fellows and 52 Associates of the AAPA between 1886 and 1904, 86 came from either England, Wales, Scotland or Ireland. Indeed, 67 came from England alone. Of the 86 U.K. emigrants, 19 were chartered accountants.
the formal analysis in this paper because of problems of identifying their presence as a group either in Edinburgh or in the U.S. subsequently. However, during research for this paper, several nonSAE accountants were discovered to have travelled from Edinburgh to the U.S. for employment purposes. They provide a flavour of the overall emigration to the U.S. of Edinburgh accountants.
For example, Webster (1954, appendix) lists three Edinburgh men working in U.S. accountancy at the end of the nineteenth century. Each was a member of the AAPA. E. M. Noble qualified as an SAE member in 1871 but resigned in 1875 when he emigrated to the U.S. He was a sole practitioner in Washington, DC for many years, and was Commissioner to the Court of Claims. The son of an Ayrshire minister, Noble joined the AAPA in 1888 and died in 1892.
D. Rollo is described by Webster as an Edinburgh chartered accountant although he was never an SAE member. Born in Perth in 1852, Rollo worked in various accountancy firms in Edinburgh from 1871 to 1890. One of these firms was a partnership with an SAE member, J. J. Stuart, and it was described as a firm of chartered accountants. Rollo emigrated to New York from Manchester in 1892, and worked inter alia with Barrow, Wade, Guthrie & Co. prior to a sole practice which ended in 1907. From that year until his death in 1914, Rollo was a corporate treasurer in Philadelphia. He became an AAPA member in 1893, a Trustee from 1896 to 1903, VicePresident in 1898, and President in 1899. He also became member #27 of the New York State Society in 1896.
Webster also provides a record of an Edinburgh emigrant who achieved success in the U.S. without a connection to the SAE or, indeed, to any other U.K. accountancy body. D. Maclnnes emigrated to New York in 1880 at the age of 18 years. For the previous 6 years, he had been a ticketseller with the North British Railway in Edinburgh and, from 1880 to 1897, he was timekeeper and accountant for railroads in the New York area. From 1897 to 1935, Maclnnes was Deputy Comptroller of New York City. He became a Fellow of the AAPA in 1902, and was member #189 of the New York State Society in 1901. He was a member of the New York State Board of Accountancy from 1907 to 1909, and taught in Theodore Koehler’s New York School of Accounts in 1905.
CONCLUDING THOUGHTS
This paper is not intended as a definitive study of the influence of Scottish chartered accountants in the U.S. Its scope is limited by a number of factors. Only emigrating SAE members have been researched at this point. Members of the IAAG, for example, have not been researched. These would have included James Marwick, cofounder of Marwick, Mitchell, & Co. later Peat, Marwick, Mitchell & Co. (see Wise, 1982). The period of analysis ends with SAE admissions in 1914, and it is possible that later SAE members may have influenced the U.S. accountancy profession. Records are exceedingly limited and dispersed, and further research is needed.
In the meantime, it is reasonable to suggest that this study provides sufficient evidence of an important influence in the development of U.S. professional accountancy. First, most of the 59 SAE emigrants remained in the U.S. throughout their working lives. Second, these working lives were predominantly in accountancy and, more specifically, public accountancy. Third, for those emigrants for whom information is available, most reached a senior position in their organizations. Fourth, despite their chartered accountancy qualification which enabled them to practice as public accountants, the majority of those men in public accountancy joined local and, less frequently, national accountancy bodies. Joining such bodies enabled a small minority of the SAE emigrants to become involved in their development and administration (achieving three state society Presidencies, three national VicePresidencies, and one national Presidency) (ignoring the national Presidency of a nonSAE accountant from Edinburgh). In addition to public accountancy, there are signs that a small number of individuals attained high office in industry and government organizations. In total, these individuals represent approximately 10% of the total group of 59 SAE emigrants.
The results of this study are also consistent with a theoretical perspective of emigration to the U.S. approximately a century ago. The SAE emigrants were highly skilled, arguably to a higher level than that associated with U.S. accountants of the period. This differential effect permitted the SAE emigrants not only access to an emerging U.S. professional practice, but also the opportunity to benefit economically and socially. Several of the subjects of this study are stated in their obituaries to be pillars of their communities, and to have followed gentlemanly
pursuits such as shooting and sailing. The emigrants also consistently followed welldefined emigration routes fiom Scotland to the U.S. and beyond. The predominance of New York and Chicago as employment and residential adddresses is evidence of this point. Once located in the U.S., it is unsurprising that the skills and knowledge of the SAE emigrants was used successfully in forming and developing professional firms and institutional bodies. The training they received in Edinburgh may not have been put to use extensively in that locality. However, it is clear that it was of considerable use following emigration to the U.S.
Given the problems commonly associated with emigration (e.g., loss of family, friends, and cultural identity), and the immaturity of the U.S. accountancy profession at the time of emigration, the early SAE emigration record appears to be one of considerable achievement. The lack of information in this study undoubtedly errs on the side of understatement in this respect. Thus, it is reasonable Lo conclude that the Scottish influence on the U.S. accountancy profession went much further and deeper than the popular expositions of pioneers such as Marwick and Mitchell (Wise, 1982).
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